Stress at the interface. Together with Vassilios Spyropoulos (University of Athens), we explore
patterns of accentuation that are profoundly affected by the morphosyntactic structure and, especially, by
the
way the constituents of a word are assembled and are concomitantly processed by the PF component. More
specifically, we examine intricate patterns of accentual
dominance on the basis of a group of lexical stress
systems, namely Greek, Vedic Sanskrit and Yakima Sahaptin. The cross-linguistic survey leads to an
interesting
set of revelations. First, dominance is instigated by both the architectural properties of the Grammar and
the
idiosyncratic, lexical properties of the exponents of the morphosyntactic constituents. Second, a set of
important, so far unnoticed, implicational relations are shown to be in effect. Thus, no system has
dominant
exponents of non-phase heads without having dominant exponents of phase heads and, moreover, no system has
dominant accentless exponents without having dominant accented ones.
Revithiadou, A. & V. Spyropoulos. 2016. Stress at the interface: Phases, accents and
dominance. Linguistic Analysis 41 (1-2), 3-74.
Clitic-doubled objects and subjects in Greek: A focal point of my research is the flow and
processing
of information between the components of Grammar and, especially, the question of whether phonology reflects
differences in the processing of syntactic material. In joint work with Vassilios Spyropoulos, we
investigate
the consequences of the Multiple Spell-Out
Hypothesis (Uriagereka 1999, Chomsky 2000, et seq.) for prosodic
constituency based on evidence from the phrasing of clitic-doubled DP-objects and that of subjects in
Greek.
Continuing this line of work on the syntax-phonology interface, we also propose a novel approach to the
derivation of subjects in Greek, which explains their distribution as a result of the processing of the
syntactic output by the Phonological Component after Spell-Out.
Revithiadou, A. & V. Spyropoulos. 2009. A dynamic approach to the syntax-phonology
interface:
A case study of Greek. In InterPhases: Phase-theoretic Investigations of Linguistic Interfaces,
Grohmann, K. (ed.), 202-233. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Spyropoulos, V. & A. Revithiadou. 2009. Subject chains in Greek and PF processing. In Proceedings
of the 2007 Workshop in Greek Syntax and Semantics at MIT, Halpert, C., J. Hartman & D. Hill (eds.),
293-309. MWPL, Cambridge, MA.
Weak object pronouns (clitics) in Greek: I have worked independently and in collaboration with V.
Spyropoulos on a cross-dialectal typology of pronominal object clitics. The focus is on determining the
filtering role that phonology exercises on syntax, and on constructing a theory that brings together the
prosodic and syntactic aspects of second position effects
exhibited by clitics in certain dialectal
varieties
(e.g. Cypriot, Symi Greek, etc.). A welcome result of the cross-dialectal perspective of second position
phenomena is that it unveils hidden aspects of diachronic change and, more specifically, the mechanisms
that
are involved in the shift from a second to a non-second position system of weak pronominals.
Revithiadou, A. 2008. A cross-dialectal study of cliticization in Greek. In Lingua:
Special
Issue in memory of J.G. Kooij, Ewen, C. J., N. C. Kula and H. van der Hulst (eds.), 1393-1415.
Revithiadou, A. & V. Spyropoulos 2008. Greek object clitic pronouns: A typological survey of
their grammatical properties. STUF 61, 39-53.
A comparative look at Greek clitics (cross-dialectal, diachronic, cross-linguistic): Greek exhibits
dialectal and diachronic variation in the cliticization pattern of weak pronouns. In Standard Modern Greek
clitics are strictly preverbal with finite non-imperative verb forms, whereas in the southeastern dialects,
as
well as in Byzantine and Medieval Greek, clitics are preverbal
when a function word precedes the verb and
postverbal otherwise. We show that the two systems are diachronically related to each other by means of a
prosodic reanalysis that resulted in the evolution of the non-second position system of Standard Modern
Greek
from the second position system of Medieval Greek. Furthermore, a comparison with the adverbal Romance
cliticization system and the second position cliticization system of Slavic languages reveals that Greek
clitics are neither C- nor v*-related elements and cliticization involves clitic movement to the T-layer.
Revithiadou, A. & V. Spyropoulos. 2020. Cliticisation in Greek: A contrastive examination
and
cross-linguistic remarks. In Contrastive Studies in Morphology and Syntax, Georgiafentis, M., G.
Giannoulopoulou, M. Koliopoulou & A. Tsokoglou (eds.). Bloomsbury Academic, London.