Greek root allomorphy: In collaboration with Vassilios Spyropoulos (University of Athens) and
Giorgos Markopoulos (A.U.Th. & University of the Aegean), we examine patterns of root allomorphy in Greek
that involve vowel alternations and propose a Generalized Non-linear Affixation (Bermúdez-Otero 2012) analysis
according to which these alternations result from the
competition between segments that belong, on the one
hand, to the vocabulary items of roots and, on the other, to the exponents of functional heads
(Voice/Aspect,
n). More specifically, we claim that phonological entities have a gradient degree of presence in a
structure,
that is, are specified with a certain activation strength value underlyingly (Smolensky and
Goldrick
2016). As a result, the surface realization of roots is determined by the relevant activation level of the
exponents of functional heads they are eventually combined with. From all available exponents, the one
that
optimally complements the strength value of the vocabulary item of a given root will eventually surface.
Our
analysis is shown to be theoretically advantageous because it develops a strictly phonological account of
allomorphy and, moreover, it captures the attested generalizations without resorting to extensive
stem/span
listing or to the application of phonologically unrestricted readjustment rules.
Revithiadou, A., Markopoulos, G. & V. Spyropoulos. In press. Changing shape according to
strength: Evidence from root allomorphy in Greek. Special Issue: Roots in Context, Guest editors:
Noam
Faust and Andrew Nevins. The Linguistic Review: 36(3), 553–574. DOI:10.1515/tlr-2019-2029
Spyropoulos, V., G. Markopoulos & A. Revithiadou. Allomorphy in Greek verbal inflection
as
result of phonological computation. Paper presented at BCGL 12: Suppletion, Allomorphy, and
Syncretism,
Center for Research in Syntax, Semantics, and Phonology, Brussels, December 16–17, 2019.
[pdf, 418KB]
[The handout presents a new gradient analysis of root allomorphy and discusses more patterns of
allomoprhy.]
Spyropoulos, V., G. Markopoulos & A. Revithiadou. Root strength as (under)specification:
Evidence from root allomorphy in Greek. Paper presented at the Workshop on Strength in Grammar,
Leipzig
University, November 10-11, 2017. [pdf,
1.2MB]
[The handout presents an autosegmental, non-gradient analysis of root allomorphy.]
Greek verbalizers: Ιn joint work with Phoevos Panagiotidis (University of Cyprus) and Vassilios
Spyropoulos (University of Athens), we provide evidence that the verbalizing v head in Greek has a
morphological exponence in many more verbs than is apparent. Although, at first sight, verbs in the
traditional second conjugation inflectional class (which exhibit non-root stress,
e.g., aγap-ó
‘love’,poθ-ó ‘desire’) do not seem to contain an overt piece of verbalizing morphology, we show
that
they take a vocalic extension consisting of an abstract vocalic slot. This slot, which can either be
filled
in with vocalic material or remain empty, undertakes the function of a verbalizer. Two major gains of this
analysis is that it provides solid evidence for a v head as a verbalizer and not as a composite
Voice-verbalizing
head and that it proposes a unified treatment of the Greek verb morphology without extensively retreating
to
stem allomorphy.
Panagiotidis, P., V. Spyropoulos & A. Revithiadou. 2017. Little v as a categorizing verbal
head: Evidence from Greek. In Verbal Domain, D'Alessandro R., I. Franco & Á. Gallego (eds.),
29–48.
Oxford University Press, Oxford. DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198767886.003.0002
Spyropoulos, V., A. Revithiadou & P. Panagiotidis. 2015. Verbalizers leave marks: Evidence
from Greek. Morphology 25 (3), 299–325. DOI: 10.1007/s11525-015-9260-5
Panagiotidis, P., & V. Spyropoulos & A. Revithiadou. 2013. Little v as a categorizing verbal
head: Evidence from Greek. Paper presented at the Little v Workshop, Leiden University, Leiden,
October 25-26, 2013.
The phonology of PAST in Greek: In recent work with Vassilios Spyropoulos, we claim that, contra to
traditional accounts, the antepenultimate stress pattern in past forms such as éγrafe ‘she was writing’ is
not
an exponent of the PAST, but the surface manifestation of a segmentally empty prefix with lexically-encoded
accentual properties, e.g. ' (à la van Oostendorp 2007).
We also show that this prefix, which is filled in
with the default vowel e, stands in an allomorphic relation with a set of other exponents of the PAST
(e.g.
-ik). In previous analyses of Greek verb morphology (Warburton 1970; Babiniotis 1972; Ralli 1988, etc.),
the
exact details of the division of labor between phonology and morphology in the realization of the PAST
have
not been worked out thoroughly. In this article, however, based on the investigation of certain
complexities
that have been either ignored or treated in parsimony, we seek to identify the exact function of each
manifestation of the past morpheme and the proper conditioning that regulates its distribution.
Spyropoulos, V. & A. Revithiadou. 2008. The morphology of PAST in Greek. In Proceedings
of
the 29th Annual Meeting of Greek Linguistics, Stavrou, M., D. Papadopoulou & M. Theodoropoulou
(eds.),
108-122. Institute of Modern Greek Studies, Triantafyllidis Foundation, Thessaloniki. [Handout,
pdf, 328 KB]
Special types of harmony: I am also interested in contact-induced systems and, especially, varieties
of Greek that have been in long-term contact with Turkish such as Asia Minor Greek. In particular, I study
systems that show a transition from fusion to agglutination where the effects of morphological change on
phonology are more transparent. Another favorite topic of
research, investigated in collaborative work with
Marc van Oostendorp, is a rather unique pattern of vowel harmony that developed, possibly under the
influence
of Turkish, in conduct varieties.
Revithiadou, A., M. Van Oostendorp, K. Nikolou & M.–A. Tiliopoulou. 2006. Vowel harmony in
contact-induced systems: The case of Cappadocian and Silly. In Proceedings of the 2nd International
Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory, Janse, M., B. Joseph & A. Ralli (eds.),
350-365. University of Patras, Patras.
From fusion to agglutination: Together with Vassilios Spyropoulos (University of Athens) and Giorgos
Markopoulos (A.U.Th), we explore a vowel assimilation process attested in a group of Asia Minor Greek
dialects
which superficially looks like vowel harmony of the type that is familiar from Turkish. We propose, however,
that this process should not be identified as
vowel harmony but rather as a feature spreading process
actualizing a reanalysis in the nominal inflection, which was facilitated by the language contact with
Turkish. More specifically, the process signals a ‘new’ stem formation, in which the theme vowel of the
ending
or the whole ending lose their status as constituents in the morphological structure and incorporate to
the
stem. Under this account, it comes for free that vowel assimilation is not attested in the morphologically
transparent agglutinative inflection, since in such patterns the ending as part of the stem is
transparent.
Revithiadou, A., V. Spyropoulos & G. Markopoulos. 2017. From fusion to agglutination: The
case
of Asia Minor Greek. Transactions of the Philological Society 115 (3): 297–335. DOI:
10.1111/1467-968X.1209
Spyropoulos, V., A. Revithiadou & G. Markopoulos. 2016. Harmony as a cue for the
transition from fusion to agglutination. In Selected Papers of the 21st International Symposium
on
Theoretical and Applied Linguistics (ISTAL 21), Matthaioudakis, M., K. Nicolaidis, E. Agathopoulou &
Th.
Alexiou (eds.), 445–447. Department of Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, Aristotle University of
Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki.
Spyropoulos, V., A. Revithiadou & G. Markopoulos. 2013b. From fusion to agglutination: The
curious case of Asia Minor Greek. Paper presented at the 19 Congrès International des Linguistes |
19th
International Congress of Linguistics, Geneva, July 21-27, 2013. [pdf, 368KB]
Spyropoulos, V., A. Revithiadou & G. Markopoulos.2013a. A harmony-like process in Asia Minor
Greek: Phonology realizes morphology. Paper presented at the 21st Manchester Phonology Meeting,
University of Manchester, Manchester, May 23-25, 2013. [
pdf, 256KB]
Prosodic phonology: In collaborative work with Barış Kabak (University of Konstanz), we address the
notion of recursivity (REC) in phonology and, especially, at the level of the Prosodic Word. On the basis of
evidence from clitic constructions, compounding and complex predicates, we argue that REC is not an
inherent property of phonology but the result of its
interface with morphosyntax. In particular, it arises
primarily from a requirement to mirror recursive morphosyntactic (e.g., complex predicates, adjuncts,
etc.)
structures.
Furthermore, I contributed the chapter "The phonological word" in The Blackwell Companion to
Phonology.
Kabak, B. & A. Revithiadou. 2009b. An interface approach to prosodic word recursion. In Phonological
Domains: Universals and Deviations, Grijzenhout, J. & B. Kabak (eds.), 105-132. Mouton de Gruyter,
Berlin.
Revithiadou, A. 2011. The phonological word. In The Blackwell Companion to Phonology,
van Oostendorp, M., C.J. Ewen, E. Hume & K. Rice (eds.). Wiley-Blackwell.