THE BATTLE AGAINST SOCIAL EXCLUSION AS A MEANS OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT - THE IMPORTANCE OF ADULT EDUCATION

DIMITRA KONGIDOU - EVANGELIA TRESSOU - GIORGIOS TSIAKALOS

ADULT CONTINUING EDUCATION, FOR DEVELOPING HUMAN RESOURCES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION OF THE YEAR 2000

FIRST EUROPEAN CONFERENCE ON ADULT CONTINUING EDUCATION

GENERAL SECRETARIAT OF ADULT EDUCATION , ATHENS, 1994 - ISBN 960-7335-05

GREEK ABSTRACT

H εργασία συνδυάζει την εκπαίδευση ενηλίκων που βιώνουν κοινωνικό αποκλεισμό με την τοπική ανάπτυξη.

Tέλος, επισημαίνεται η ανάγκη ανατροπής παραδοσιακών μεθόδων στο σχεδιασμό και την υλοποίηση εκπαιδευτικών προγραμμάτων για ενήλικες που βιώνουν κοινωνικό αποκλεισμό έτσι ώστε να υπάρχει ουσιαστική συμμετοχή αυτών που βιώνουν αποκλεισμό σε όλα τα επίπεδα των αποφάσεων. Tονίζεται, επίσης ότι όσο δεν υπάρχει διάθεση και ετοιμότητα για αλλαγή προσανατολισμού στον τρόπο αντιμετώπισης κοινωνικών προβλημάτων, η εκπαίδευση ενηλίκων, σε ό,τι αφορά την καταπολέμηση του κοινωνικού αποκλεισμού, θα περιορίζεται στην καταγραφή των αποτυχιών της.

1. Adult education, regional development, the battle against social exclusion

The education of adults who experience social exclusion is usually realised within the context of social policy: To date, however, there has not been any attempt to incorporate the education of adults threatened by exclusion into regional development planning.

In terms of this issue, as reflected in the bibliographies of various scientific volumes, and particularly in the philosophy of many national and European intervention programmes, we have observed a number of connections between the themes "adult education," "regional development," and "the battle against social exclusion."

Thus, - adult education is often seen as a powerful and indispensable weapon in the battle against social exclusion, - the education and the continuing education of adults is often seen as an indispensable precondition for the achievement of regional development, - regional development is often seen as a precondition for the successful battle against social exclusion.

One connection not emphasised in this issue, except as a European rhetorical apostrophe, is that in which the battle against social exclusion is placed among the strategies for the achievement of regional development.

Nor do we see the development of adult education models which have, as an interim goal, the battle against social exclusion and, as an ultimate goal, regional development.

The above issues become essential, however, if we want to interpret the contradictory effects of various programmes of adult education; the negative effects of the programmes for the battle against social exclusion, which were supported in educational initiatives; and the negative repercussions of regional development in the sector of social exclusion.

Contradictions and negative experiences of the kinds mentioned above are probably the rule rather than the exception. This fact leads, particularly as regards adult education, to a general doubt as to the possibility of successful intervention and suggests the view that any chance successes are the result of circumstances beyond our capacity to explain.

Indeed, in this direction point the related findings which follow, concerning the accuracy of which there is general agreement.

Regional development is not necessarily accompanied by the eradication of poverty and of the social exclusion which exists in an area. In contrast, the poverty and social exclusion in an area are often created by default, and so development has no effect on that area's situation. Sometimes, of course, regional development, with the repercussions which it has in various sectors of daily life (the increase of unemployment as a result of changes in the economy, the raising of rents as a result of new regulations in the housing sector, the revealing of forms of isolation and discrimination as a result of the emergence of new social strata, etc.), aggravates social exclusion and increases the number of those who suffer from it.

At the same time, however, we know that the degree of poverty and social exclusion is much smaller in areas where development exists than it is in areas without development.

It is this which leads, in contrast to initial findings, to the widespread view that for the battle against social exclusion in a particular area to succeed, regional development is required.

The effects of various adult education programmes are contradictory both as regards the potential for their contribution to regional development and in terms of their capacity to function as a weapon in the battle against social exclusion.

Of course, there are a number of examples which appear to demonstrate the importance of adult education in the process of regional development and economic integration. The existence, however, of many more cases in which mass implementation of programmes for the education, training, and retraining of adults was not accompanied by a corresponding success in the sector of regional development - such as, in our opinion, the programmes implemented within the context of the European Community's Social Fund - creates many uncertainties regarding the role of adult education in the achievement of regional development, and the social and economic integration of groups which are threatened by social exclusion.

Many believe that there are other factors leading to success, and that educational programmes are, therefore, a result of those factors. We are reminded of an historical example: the learning and constant use of the English language in daily life by immigrant workers in the Ford motor company. This took place during a phase of initial development in this field. The immigrant workers who learned English, and who used English exclusively in conversation within their families, secured a place of work, and in addition, a bonus of five dollars. Obviously, this measure, in terms of its size and range, stands alone in the history of organized interventions in adult education. However, even if there had occurred enough similar attempts to ascribe to it a particular function in the context of economic development, in reality it would not ever have had a different character from that which it had from the beginning: that is to say, it was an ideological measure for achieving a melting pot. Implementation of the measure did not constitute a prerequisite of development but, in contrast, became strong thanks to the development which existed independently of the measure.

On the other hand, the success enjoyed by programmes of in-business training, of retraining for those employed in industries which are in danger of closing, and of continuing education for those employees who encounter problems of competition if they do not progress beyond the initial level of their employment education, restores the view

that adult education can contribute towards regional development. In this way it functions pre-emptively against the trend towards unemployment, poverty, and social exclusion.

Adult education and social exclusion

As we mention above, the effects of the various programmes of adult education are contradictory as regards their capacity to operate as a weapon in the battle against social exclusion.

Of course, there are a number of examples which appear to demonstrate the importance of adult education in the process of economic and social integration.

In most cases, however, the effects are negative, particularly when they refer to groups which experience exclusion from the first moment of their settlement in a region. We are talking here of immigrants or refugees who were not released into a particular region with the specific aim of integrating them into the production process (in contrast to that which occurred, for example, in the case of southern European immigrants to West Germany during the sixties), but settled there as a result of their own personal choice. Choices which are at a personal level logical, and thus usually irreversible, differ markedly, however, from those choices which, in macro-economic terms, could be objectively considered as preferable.

Adult education: "paedagogic optimism" and effectiveness

An important discovery for adult education follows from the above. If the fact that such programmes are designed and implemented daily on a large scale in all the countries of Europe is not based on a positive appreciation of their effects, then we must accept that it is based simply on an instinct nourished by the few positive results and which, in its turn, nourishes a "paedagogic optimism."

However, paedagogic optimism cannot constitute the sole basis of the education of adults who experience social exclusion. If this were its sole basis, then this sector of adult education would be accused of a lack of effectiveness. In consequence, it would receive less attention and, as a result of this, would be threatened with the Damoclean Sword of cutbacks in financial resources. Because of this there is a need for the safeguarding and proliferation of positive results in the basis of an integrated body of knowledge. This is possible.

Indeed, the fact that in parallel with the many negative experiences there are also a number of positive ones does not simply lay the foundations of a vague paedagogic optimism. More importantly, it sparks and makes obligation the search for those conditions which sometimes allow the success of adult education programmes, and at other times condemn them to failure.

This search has not, to date, made sufficient progress. Usually it amounts to recycling programmes, lending weight sometimes to one characteristic of educational work, and sometimes to another, and which cannot possibly, in this manner, determine the important factors which operate before educational planning and which are situated outside of educational work. This occurs mainly because the appreciation of educational programmes is usually centered on the fixed elements of an educational programme, and explains success or failure on the basis of its internal characteristics, without taking into account the conditions which prevail in the wider area. We mean that it doesn't take into account the more general social and economic conditions prevailing in the area (with which, in the area of educational investigation, educational sociologists are occupied), nor the conditions under which the particular programme is developed.

This practice is usual and accepted when noted in programmes within the regular education system, since the external conditions are already included as the philosophy and subject-matter of the analytic programme, which is the product of these conditions. The same practice is, however, absolutely mistaken in the case of adult education, and particularly in the case of the education of adult immigrants and refugees who experience social exclusion, because adult education is often invited to prepare the modification of external conditions and, consequently, cannot include them. In the latter case, the aim, form, and content of the programme are developed in direct relation to the particular conditions prevailing in the particular area, and on the basis of a vision oriented towards altering local conditions. In the context of this process the particular form taken by the relationship between the themes of "regional development," "the battle against social exclusion," and "adult education" is always made known.

We demonstrate this process below on the basis of the initiative enacted in West Thessaloniki in the context of the Poverty 3 Programme, concerning adult education in one of the target groups: the Pontians who came to Greece from the former Soviet Union.

In our presentation we will attempt

- to describe the economic, social, and demographic characteristics of West Thessaloniki which predetermine the aims of the educational programme of intervention for adult Pontians, that is to say, the characteristics which predetermine the particular relationship between the themes of "adult education," "the battle against social exclusion," and "regional development"; and

- to sketch out those strategies in the context of which the battle against social exclusion, through adult education programmes, can constitute the nucleus of a regional development plan.

We will mention mainly the conclusions which in our opinion present the most general interest for those who are concerned with adult education, and will avoid a detailed listing

of all the initiatives.

Social exclusion as a concept has emerged over the last few years in the public language of the European countries, and particularly in the language which has developed within the context of the institutions of the European Union. It usually appears in conjunction with the term "poverty" (we say: "social exclusion and poverty"). Sometimes, of course, supplanting the term "poverty," as if the two were synonymous, or as if it were a broad phenomenon including poverty.

However, "social exclusion" is a different concept from that of poverty. Social exclusion is the obstruction of access to social and public wealth and services, such as education, the health system, participation in the political process, etc., the lack of which usually leads to poverty. The term "social exclusion" characterises, therefore, both a situation and a process.

In our view, both as a situation and as a process, the existence of social exclusion today constitutes a social scandal. We say that it "today constitutes a scandal," even though, obviously, "social exclusion" is not a new phenomenon in Europe. It existed in the past, it was instituted with austerity, and it constituted an important cause of the Poverty of a whole social class. More precisely, in the past was instituted the incorporation of the individual into the large group of the poor and poverty-stricken, and his/her exclusion from the relatively small group of the prosperous.

Yet, despite its long history, social exclusion today constitutes a scandal because for the first time in history such wealth is being generated in Europe that there could be enough for everyone, without the need for anyone, as before, being condemned to poverty. However, despite this possibility, millions of people do not participate in the riches of Europe. They do not participate either because they are legally excluded or because reduced access to public and social wealth and services does not allow their access to the means of human living conditions.

Let us describe a little more analytically what we mean when we speak of access to public and social commodities and wealth.

For human living conditions beyond their personal means, individuals also have at their disposal public wealth, which they make use of to a different degree.

Thus, whichever children have studied only compulsory education have used from public wealth a particular amount, which can for each country be precisely calculated (something which occurs in most countries).

Any child who continues and completes secondary education will have extracted a greater amount from public wealth.

If, finally, a child goes on to study at university and graduates, then s/he will have extracted from public wealth a still greater amount in relation to the previous two categories.

The same is true in a range of other activities. Thus, whoever visits a state-subsidized theatre or museum extracts some portion of public wealth.

Similarly, whoever has the right to use a health system in which is invested high amounts of the state budget, makes use of public wealth.

It is important to note the following: the less public wealth an individual extracts, the greater the possibility of sliding into poverty. We would maintain that the extraction of public wealth is a secure investment for the future. Moreover, it is an investment which occurs for the most part with money from the social whole.

The degree of extraction of public wealth is not, however, a matter of chance. Certain groups of people have a greater possibility of extracting public wealth than others. Thus:

- Certain groups are excluded by law. For example, in the case in which only the indigenous population has access to certain sections of public wealth, and not immigrants or refugees.

- Certain groups are excluded indirectly. For example, minorities who are obliged to study in one educational system, which doesn't take into account their specific needs;

or are obliged to study in a system of lower quality.

- Certain groups have a limited possibility of extracting public wealth because of the existence of other deterrent factors. For example, an individual with special needs can only extract public wealth when there are the necessary pre-requisites which allow access to it.

Clearly, we can mention many similar examples. If we were to list all the cases then we would have before us a complete map of social exclusion.

We should note that neither the existence of social exclusion nor its propagation is brought about by chance.

They are the result mainly

- of the existence of rigid dogma and ideology;

- of the lack of political will for the necessary reforms, and

- the lack of sufficient know-how for confronting the phenomenon of exclusion, even in cases where the will exists.

The difficulty of confronting these negative factors lies in the fact that, usually, those hit by social exclusion in the area of extraction of public wealth are excluded simultaneously and to a great extent from the most important benefit of public wealth, that of equal participation in the political process.

There exists a vicious circle. The lack of extraction of basic public wealth makes impossible equal participation in the shaping of the political process, a fact which prevents the decisive confrontation of obstructions to the social integration of individuals, a fact which in its turn leads to the lack of extraction of public wealth. In this way the circle is completed and repeated.

This description intends to show that if we cannot tolerate the existence of social exclusion, we are obliged to intervene at one point of the vicious circle. Education can constitute just such a point.

As is clear from the examples cited above, education can by its very nature constitute both a mechanism for creating social exclusion and a means of combating it. Which of these occurs depends on the character of the education or the educational measures.

The same is true of adult education. Adult education programmes can

- detract from social exclusion, supplying those educational benefits thought necessary for access to other public and social wealth and services,

- aggravate social exclusion, and extend it to still more people by, for example, increasing the qualifications of those already numbered among the privileged in the area of extracting educational wealth,

- lead to change within the group of the excluded without, however, combating exclusion itself,

- constitute an alibi for society for the perpetuation of exclusion, attributing their failure

to so-called inefficiency, or to the so-called lack of desire of the excluded and, finally,

As easy and simple is the list of the different functions of adult education programmes and of the various effects which they can have on those who experience social exclusion, just so complicated is the description of the circumstances within which the programmes can have utterly predictable consequences.

For this reason here, of necessity, we will confine ourselves to the presentation of basic conclusions.

3. Social exclusion and adult education: the case of the Pontians in West Thessaloniki

With the example of the Pontians who have recently repatriated to West Thessaloniki from the former Soviet Union, we will present, extremely briefly, the particular form of social exclusion in a region and the reasons for which special educational initiatives were made necessary.

The families of Pontians who have recently repatriated from the former USSR belong to the poorest sector of the population in the region of West Thessaloniki.

With an average family consisting of 4.24 members (for the total population the figure is 3.48), 47% of families have an income of less than 70,000 drachmas per month (against 17.7% of those not belonging to a target group), 24% have 70,000-100,000 (against 26.1 % of those not belonging to a target group), and 1 1 % have 1 00,000- 130,000 (against 20.4% of those not belonging to a target group.

A much higher proportion than that of the general population live in rented accommodation (81 .58% against 23.06%).

The households appear to have household appliances to a greater extent than the general population. In reality, however, these appliances were brought duty-free as household effects from the USSR and were then, after an interval of time, offered for sale (in contravention of the Law) in order to meet other basic needs. Many families are not only not in a position to satisfy their basic needs, but encounter the problem of survival.

The families of Pontians who have recently repatriated from the former USSR have no property. In addition, because of the fact that no bilateral agreements with the USSR were signed, the elderly have no pensions. This fact makes the families of Pontians utterly de- pendent, as regards standard of living, on the existence and level of pay. Their Poverty is, consequently, the result of the lack of a stable and/or adequate salary, the result of underemployment or unemployment. In contrast, however, to the case of the Gypsies in the region, underemployment and unemployment are not the result of illiteracy or low educational levels.

The educational level of the Pontians is, in relation to the remainder of the population of the region, high: 2.63% state that they have never been to school; 7.89% that they have studied at primary level; 34.21% at middle school (Gymnasio) and 2.63% at upper school (Lykeio); 36.84% at Secondary Vocational School and 15.79% that they have graduated from higher education or technical college. A great proportion of those who have followed basic education have, moreover, acquired professional skills at a technical- vocational school and often in professions the practice of which in Greece is the result only of experience.

Most individuals know either insufficient Greek, or none at all, while almost all of them speak in their daily life either Russian or Pontian.

Mainly on account of the fact that they do not speak Greek sufficiently well, the families of the Pontians who have recently repatriated from the former Soviet Union are isolated from the social environment. This is in spite of the positive attitude adopted towards them by the Pontians who settled in Greece before World War II, who constituted a large and powerful section of the population of Thessaloniki; and in spite of the fact that their economic and social integration is characterised by all social and political groups as a "national issue." Thus, their activities in daily life are confined to their own group, while their desire and aim is their integration into the social fabric of the region.

Isolation intensifies the difficulty of acclimatising to new circumstances and operates further as an autonomous element of exclusion and isolation.

The view that language constitutes a decisive factor in the appearance of social exclusion and Poverty is confirmed by all the related evidence.

Indeed, an examination of social exclusion and Poverty in the region of West Thessaloniki draws attention to the fact that a greater proportion of families who use a language other than the official state language experience Poverty and social exclusion than those families who exclusively speak the official state language. Thus, the possibility of experiencing Poverty rises in proportion to the degree to which a different language is used in daily life. Let us examine the facts.

From our research in the region it is revealed that in 13.64% of families in the region "all the members of the family" use another language or dialect in daily conversation, and in 1 0.67% of families "some members of the family" use another language or dialect in daily conversation, rather than the official language of the state.

These replies allow many interpretations. The answer could mean that another language or dialect is used exclusively, or that it is used only in particular circumstances. Moreover, that the use of another language or dialect is the result of free choice, or insufficient knowledge of Greek (which they would prefer to speak exclusively).

Regardless of the reasons, however, the important fact remains that there is a relation- ship between this knowledge, and other knowledge which determines an individual's economic and social position. Thus, of the families who had, at the time of the investigation (1990), an income of less than 70,000 drachmas per month (an income which was at that time less than half the average per capita income of Greece), 60.8% stated that no member of the family spoke anything but the official state language in daily life. The same was reported by 76.7% of families with an income of 70,000-130,000 drachmas, 79.4% of families with an income of 130,000-190,000 drachmas, and 77.4% of families with a monthly income of more than 190,000 drachmas. In contrast, 28.5% of families with a monthly income of less than 70,000 drachmas stated that all members of the family used another language or dialect. The same was reported by 9.72% of families with an income of 70,000-130,000 drachmas, 8.02% of families with an income of 1 30,000- 1 90,000 drachmas, and 8.33% of those with an income above 190,000 (see Table 1).

A correlation can be observed between the use of a different language or dialect and the position of an individual in the job market (see Table 2). The greater the distance from the job market, the greater the incidence of use of a foreign language or dialect.

From the above, it is evident that the use of a different language or dialect is closely related to the phenomenon of social exclusion and poverty.

This relationship is not always because of the same mechanisms. Thus, the use of another language can be "simply' the accompanying knowledge of other intense cultural characteristics, which constitute a cause or reason for social exclusion. It is possible, in addition, that it indicates a lack of effective institutions for the learning of the official language by immigrants, who otherwise hardly differ at all from the test of the population.

Consequently, for the planning of successful educational initiatives, it is vital that the specific mechanisms leading to social exclusion be identified, the differences between them, and of (the identification is vital) the relationship of language to these mechanisms.

Indisputably, however, the need for intervention (particularly educational initiatives) arises in both cases in order for those unfavourable factors generating or giving rise to social exclusion to be neutralised.

Establishing of the cases of exclusion, and educational interventions

From the above it is evident that there are three main factors obstructing the smooth integration of the Pontians.

Ignorance of the Greek language must be seen as the first reason for social marginalisation. We can convincingly assert that if this phenomenon acquires elements of per- it will constitute, in the future, a very powerful mechanism for the propagation of social exclusion and poverty.

The wasted opportunity to make use of the professional skills acquired by immigrants in their country of origin, the former Soviet Union, must be seen as the second reason for marginalisation. This waste can arise

a) as the result of ignorance, of the prejudices or conscious choice of Greek society government, and

b) as a result of the orientation of the Greek - and in particular - of the regional economy, which does not grant the potential for the proper exploitation of skills.

The lack of access to those social networks which traditionally regulate or influence in places of work, or even the Pontians' lack of understanding of the needs and to them, must be seen as the third reason for economic and social marginalisation.

There are also other factors in social exclusion, such as the general prejudice against the Pontians in some sectors of the Greek population, antagonistic behaviour, resentment for the existence - real or imagined - of special preferential treatment of the Pontians by similar factors.

In our presentation we shall centre our attention only on the three first reasons, since of their nature they appear to be susceptible to educational intervention at an adult level.

The initiatives needed are, it seems on the face of it, self-evident and undisputed:

- Organising programmes for learning the Greek language is needed to confront the first cause of exclusion.

- Organising vocational training programmes or methods of exploiting existing professional skills is needed to confront the second cause of exclusion.

- Organising programmes of social adaptability to new circumstances is needed to confront the third cause of exclusion.

For all the above there is, in terms of adult education, such rich experience, and so much has been written, that the planning of associated educational programmes appears simple. However, this first impression is misleading. Most of those concerned with the education of adults who suffer exclusion succumb to this false impression. They implement programmes which have operated successfully in other regions with the same or with similar groups of people, anticipating similar success in their own region. This anticipation springs from the conviction that the most important constant to which programmes of adult education must be oriented is the target group. Also thought to be important are the conditions in which the programmes are implemented (buildings, teaching methods, acceptance by society, etc.). From these two fads arise - this is the widely spread view and practice - the form and content of educational programmes in every respect (form of teaching material, teaching method, etc.).

However, the reality is more complicated and condemns attempts based on false impressions to failure.

The complexity lies in the fact that in all three cases the intervention programmes depend completely, from their theoretical conception to their realisation, on the viewpoint regarding the type of economic and social integration possible for the particular group in the particular region - since the aim of educational programmes is to contribute to this economic and social integration.

Thus, in the case of the Pontians of West Thessaloniki, the form and content of the educational programmes in all three areas depend on our orientation. Integration in which the previous vocational training is located at the centre, or integration in which a new vocational training, tailored to the realities of local society predominates? The subject-matter of training, the language teaching materials, and the form of socialising programme, etc. arise from the viewpoint regarding the type of integration to be undertaken.

However, this fundamental viewpoint, on which the educational programmes are based, is usually not the result of scientific research but is simply the product of mistaken dogma, which dominates common knowledge and moulds the political will.

The failure of programmes for the education of adults who experience social exclusion is caused mainly by this fact. When this reason for failure cannot be observed, then even attempt to improve the programmes consists in the recycling of problems inside a completely mistaken system and, naturally, results in the recycling of failure.

Consequently, at the beginning of planning a programme for the education of adults who experience social exclusion, it is vital for us to understand the type of economic and social integration attainable in those particular circumstances. From the very beginning, the success or failure of the programme depends upon this capacity to properly ascertain.

Usually, those who design and bring to fruition related educational programmes undertake integration into the real structure of the local economy - believing that this is the most attainable goal, while the "vision" of new structures constitutes an unattainable luxury. They fail, however, in this belief, because the socially excluded often live in regions where the existing structures operate prohibitively so far as their integration is concerned. They could succeed, however, if it were understood that those characteristics of the socially excluded which are not compatible with the existing structures, and which for that reason lead to exclusion, could be a means of regional development and, simultaneously, a means of combating the social exclusion of those groups.

Factors which Determine the Choice: Theoretical Base

The social and economic integration of refugees depends to a great extent on the social, labour, and economic situation prevailing in the region where they settle. Consequently, the planning of policy for their social and economic integration cannot but constitute the inter-relating of the particular characteristics of refugees in combination with the particular social and economic characteristics of the region in which they settle. In cases in which this starting-point does not apply, the possibility of the failure of the policy of social and economic integration is very great.

We are thinking of a characteristic case of an attempt in which there is a great danger of failure: the attempt of the Pontians to integrate into the region of Thrace. This attempt is in danger of failing because the labour and social characteristics of the region are strongly incompatible with the particular characteristics of the group of Pontians. Thus, the fact that there lives in Thrace a unique, closely united, and internationally-recognised Muslim minority, constitutes for many Pontians a factor dissuading them from permanent settlement there, on account of their recent experiences of the co-existence of populations with ethnic, linguistic, and religious differences; i.e., because of their experiences from the conflicts in the region of the Caucasus which, in addition, constituted the trigger for their emigration.

Beyond that, there are reasons of a different nature which give reason for doubting the soundness of a policy for integrating the Pontians into this region. We are referring mainly to the fact that the characteristics of the job market in Thrace do not appear to be compatible with the employment qualifications of the Pontians.

This last observation does not mean that the attempt is necessarily condemned to failure. However, in these circumstances, social and economic integration is only possible when it constitutes a component part of a full and extensive strategy for the economic development of a region.

Such a strategy is comprised of two important components:

- the education of refugees with the aim of advancing their skills in order that they

might participate equally in the job market; and

The importance of each component is not fixed and identical in all cases. It depends on the characteristics of the economy and on the situation in terms of employment and in- come of the inhabitants of the region in which the refugees are settled.

Thus,

- in a region with developed industy which needs a great number of workers, it is usual for the related education of the refugees to have the aim of their conforming to the existing empty places of work, (oriented to the first component),

- in a region without manufacturing industry, inhabited by robust, economically free professionals, white collar workers, etc. (a characteristic example being the northern suburbs of Athens), simple conformity to the aim of employment in the service sector is sufficient. It often concerns a newly constructed sector, since the needs which treat it appear, or are increased, immediately after the supply of the work force of refugees, with a characteristic example being the supply of domestic staff from the Philippines, or Pontian hospital workers (oriented to the first component with elements of the second component), and, finally,

- in a poor region, the hope of avoiding Poverty and social exclusion is left to the mercy of the overall development of the region (the second component triumphs).

The particular choice of strategy of economic and social integration depends, in addi- tion, on the particular characteristics of the population of the region, such as the existence of experiences similar to those of the refugees.

From that which we report above it is evident that in order to choose the form of intervention and, more especially, of educational initiatives, it is vital for us to understand the characteristics of the economy, the situation in terms of employment and income of the inhabitants of the region, and the existence of experiences in the population of the region, which resemble the contemporary experiences of the refugees.

The conclusions which arise from the listing and analysis of the data in these sectors are those which dictate the choice of intervention. Specifically, whether to choose interventions oriented towards the conformity of the refugees by the means of changing their particular characteristics, or those oriented towards regional development by the means of the improvement and appropriate use of their particular characteristics?

Factors which Deter-mine the Choice: Practical Implementation

We will now present the manner in which the theoretical model described in the above section is implemented in the case of West Thessaloniki. We will thus examine

- firstly, if the economic structures of the region allow the integration of a large number of refugees into the manufacturing sector;

Economy and Employment

According to the evidence of ICAP (1986), the garment industry predominates (35.1 %) in the industrial sector of West Thessaloniki. The garment industry, the textile industry (10.4%), and the food industry (10.0%) constitute 55.5% of the sector. In the neighbour- hood of Kalochorio, where some people living in West Thessaloniki work, the textile industry (31 .8%) and the food industry (14.9%) predominate. The structure of the industrial units in this region does not differ from that of the wider region of Thessaloniki. These fields belong to the strongest areas of the Greek economy, even within the context of European economic integration.

West Thessaloniki has the smallest average size of industrial units, not surpassing 4.3 employees per unit. In the strongest fields the average size is higher, as becomes clear from Table 3, a fact which indirectly shows how low it is in the weaker sectors.

By comparison, in the neighbourhood of Kalochorio the average size of industrial units is far greater. For example, in the field of textiles, 38.3, and in the field of food, 1 3.2 employees per unit.

In West Thessaloniki small businesses (1-9 employees) predominate, in contrast to the overall picture of the wider region of Thessaloniki, in which units of a greater average size (10-49 employees) predominate.

The types of occupation of the population of the region is featured in Table 4.

The social composition of the population of the region is expressed in the following breakdown of the working population by profession, sector, and field of the total of economically active individuals (Tables 5 and 6)

88% work in the private sector and 1 2% in the public sector.

From the description of economic elements and the employment data of the pοpulation, it is evident that with the existing structures the region of West Thessaloniki is not in a position to economically integrate a large number of refugees.

In the region of West Thessaloniki, both the real income and that supposed by the people to be a necessary "subsistence-level income" is strikingly low. For this reason, the variation between that which is thought by the inhabitants of the region to be a necessary household income and their real income, vividly defines the degree of Poverty prevailing in the region.

It is difficult to compare the factors of the region with factors of other regions or with the general population of Greece. There is little data about (subjective) views of what constitutes a necessary income, and few statistics about the real income of Greeks. If we accept as reliable the tax returns of wage earners (supplementary incomes, which often exist, often are not declared), we can reliably estimate that the average monthly income of a wage earner in 1990 (the year our research was conducted) was approximately 140,000 drachmas. With this data we can ascertain - in accordance with the statements of those questioned in the study - that 24% of families in the region have a family income lower than the average individual income of a wage earner, as shown on Table 7.

The information in Table 7 becomes clearer both as regards real income and perceptions of necessary MFI, when it is transformed so as to correspond to an individual of a household (and not to the whole household, which withholds the fact that different house- holds have different numbers of members). Table 8 shows the figures for the two categories.

These figures confirm Table 7, and the confirmation indicates poverty. As for the difference between them, 1 2% of the population believe that their income is greater than the necessary income, 18% believe that their income corresponds to a necessary income, and 70% believe that their income is less what is necessary income. These results correspond to the degree to which people are satisfied with their income. 25% report satisfaction, 40% believe that their income only covers their basic needs, and 35% believe that their income does not cover their basic needs.

The percentage of owner-occupiers is high (72.5%). 21 .5% live in rented accommodation and 6% in accommodation which is not their own but for which they pay no rent. In terms of the quality of accommodation, 35.9% believe that they lack space, 4.1 % have no water and/or electricity, and/or inside toilet.

Conclusion

Because of the already low standard of living, the creation of a new sector for the supply of services and economic integration of a large number of refugees is impossible.

Population origins

The population of the region's three municipalities are descended from the Asia Minor refugees of 1922; Pontian refugees of the 'twenties and 'thirties; internal migrants from the end of the 'fifties and the 'sixties; repatriating immigrants, particularly from West Germany (who in the great majority of cases did not originate from the region); Greeks repatriating from Eastern Europe who lived there as political refugees; and Pontians who came in recent years from the former Soviet Union. They are, therefore, people who settled in the region "starting from scratch," with the exception of the repatriating immigrants, the majority of whom settled in the region after acquiring accommodation.

Table 9 shows the different origin's of the region's inhabitants. In combination with factors related to the year people settled in the region, Certain migratory currents and their economic, social, and political causes, are revealed, which contribute to the formation of the region's particular social and economic framework.

The growth of the Municipality of Evosmo indicates the typical scale of these migratory currents. Its population in 1961 was 7,713 individuals (old refugees and first internal migrants). By 1971 the population had trebled, reaching 22,390 (the whole wave of internal migration). In 1981 the population was 26,528 (the wave of repatriating immigrants from the countries of northern and western Europe, which was not as strong as the wave of internal migrants).

Since West Thessaloniki, to which the region belongs, does not attract new inhabitants from the wider urban clusters of Thessaloniki, we can assume that the overwhelming majority of those born "in the rest of the prefecture of Thessaloniki and in northern Greece" are internal migrants from the provinces.

Also, since those born in the region include the children of the "newcomers" (internal migrants, Greeks repatriating from abroad, etc.), the great majority of adult inhabitants of the region are newcomers. Of these, 69% were internal migrants from northern Greece, 18% internal migrants from the rest of Greece, and 13% Greeks repatriating from abroad.

Conclusion

In the case of West Thessaloniki we have populations who have experienced migration, and who, moreover, before settling in the region, had experience of bilingual or multilingual surroundings. For particular groups, of course, a different language constitutes even today the mother tongue, either as the residue of a former linguistic socialisation in a transitional phase (Pontians), or as their basic and permanent cultural knowledge (Gypsies). In both cases this negatively influences the possibilities of extracting social wealth and of establishing social and economic integration. Simultaneously, however, it positively prepares the population for adopting new types of economic activity based on abilities different to those which have to date been evident in the Greek economy generally, and in the economy of the region in particular.

5. Adult education and whole programmes of intervention

The results of the listing of economic, social and demographic data of the region show with clarity that the smooth economic integration of large numbers of Pontians into the region of West Thessaloniki is impossible. In contrast, however, any attempt to develop the region which is based on the particular characteristics of the Pontians will not run contrary to the cultural characteristics of the professional and social spheres and, there- fore, would be possible.

An undertaking in this form has a good chance of success, since the opening of borders towards Eastern Europe offers important opportunities for the Pontians to use their knowledge of the languages of Eastern Europe, their professional knowledge, their social skills, their cultural customs, etc.. These skills are either lost or become an obstacle to economic and social integration when the existing model of the economy is seen as the only one possible for the region.

The education and training programmes which are harmonised with just such a plan of development must clearly cover the areas of:

- adjustment of professional knowledge to new conditions;

- familiarisation with the laws, regulations and working customs of the new environment;

- learning the Greek language.

The planning and implementation of the educational programmes can succeed only with the co-operation of the Pontians, because only they have the necessary relevant knowledge. Furthermore, the programmes must not be autonomous. Instead, they must be part of a whole programme of intervention, in which, among other initiatives, subsidies for new businesses with a related developmental orientation are an important component.

With this approach the Poverty 3 Programme succeeded far beyond its tiny budget, which did not surpass ten million drachmas per year for all the activities concerning the central group (e.g., evening classes for children, excursions to learn about the environment, the establishment and operation of a Pontian centre, administrative expenses, etc.).

Without attempting in a broad context the whole venture described above, the Poverty 3 Programme nonetheless demonstrated that education of adult refugees is possible if it builds upon former training. Such a programme is more successful than one oriented towards linguistic structures and occasional vocational training.

The Pontian Centre (the Pontians themselves participate in the administration) serves as a place for meeting socially with people who deal with regional development (local employers, trade unionists, Ιοca1 government officers, etc.). The centre also is where educational, continuing education, and training programmes are planned and implemented. As such, it reverses the traditional logic of adult education.

In any event, that the traditional methods of planning and implementing educational programmes for adults experiencing social exclusion must be overthrown usually is the Achilles' Heel of adult education when it is invited to contribute to regional development within the battle against social exclusion. This is because the vital overthrowing of traditional methods also means the substantial participation, at all levels of decision making, of those who experience exclusion. This, in turn, presupposes a readiness to change the way social problems are confronted. Without a willingness to change, the education of adults, to the extent it is concerned with the battle against regional exclusion, will be limited to a listing of our failures.

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